May 23, 2011
The Mexico-U.S. Borderlands: Corruption & Violence
By Scott Stewart
studies Mexico’s cartel war, it is not uncommon to hear Mexican politicians — and some people in the United States
— claim that Mexico’s problems of violence and corruption stem largely from the country’s proximity to the
United States. According to this narrative, the United States is the world’s largest illicit narcotics market, and the
inexorable force of economic demand means that the countries supplying the demand, and those that are positioned between the
source countries and the huge U.S. market, are trapped in a very bad position. Because of this market and the illicit trade
it creates, billions of dollars worth of drugs flow northward through Mexico (or are produced there) and billions of dollars
in cash flow back southward into Mexico. The guns that flow southward along with the cash, according to the narrative, are largely responsible
for Mexico’s violence. As one looks at other countries lying to the south of Mexico along the smuggling routes from South America
to the United States, they too seem to suffer from the same maladies.
when we look at the dynamics of the narcotics trade there are other political entities, ones located to Mexico’s north,
that find themselves caught in the same geographic and economic position as Mexico and points south. As borderlands, these entities — referred to as states in the U.S. political system — find themselves caught
between the supply of drugs flowing from the south and the large narcotics markets to their north. The geographic location
of these states results in large quantities of narcotics flowing northward through their territory and large amounts of cash
likewise flowing southward. Indeed, this illicit flow has brought with it corruption and violence, but when we look at these
U.S. states, their security environments are starkly different from those of Mexican states on the other side of the border.
implicit reality that flows from the geopolitical concept of borderlands is that while political borders are clearly delineated, the cultural and economic borders surrounding
them are frequently less clear and more dynamic. The borderlands on each side of the thin, artificially imposed line we call
a border are remarkably similar in geographic and demographic terms (indeed, inhabitants of such areas are often related).
In the larger picture, both sides of the border often face the same set of geopolitical realities and challenges. Certainly
the border between the United States and Mexico was artificially imposed by the annexation of Texas following its anti-Mexico
revolution as well as the U.S. annexation of what is now much of the U.S. West, including the border states of Arizona, California
and New Mexico, following the Mexican-American War. While the desert regions along the border do provide a bit of a buffer
between the two countries — and between the Mexican core and its northern territories — there is no geological
obstacle separating the two countries. Even the Rio Grande is not so grand, as the constant flow of illicit goods over it
testifies. In many places, like Juarez and El Paso, the U.S.-Mexico border serves to cut cities in half, much like the Berlin
Wall used to do.
as one crosses over that artificial line one senses huge differences between the cultural, economic and security environments
north and south. In spite of the geopolitical and economic realities confronting both sides of this borderland, Texas is not
Mexico. The differences run deep, and we thought it worthwhile this week to examine how and why.
Problems, Different Scope
it must be understood that this examination does not mean to assert that the illicit narcotics market in the United States
has no effect on Mexico (or Central America, for that matter). The flow of narcotics, money and guns, and the organizations
that participate in this illicit trade, does have a clear and demonstrable impact on Mexico. But — and this very significant
— that impact does not stop at the border. This illicit commerce also impacts the U.S. states north of the border.
the U.S. side of the border has seen corruption of public officials, cartel-related violence and, of course, drug trafficking. But these phenomena have manifested themselves differently on the U.S. side of the border.
United States there have been local cops, sheriffs, customs inspectors and even FBI agents arrested and convicted for corruption.
However, the problem is far worse on the Mexican side, where entire police forces have been relieved of their duties due to
their cooperation with the drug cartels and where systematic corruption has been traced all the way from the municipal mayoral level to the Presidential Guard, and even to the country’s drug czar. There have even been groups of police officers and military units arrested while actively protecting
shipments of drugs in Mexico — something that simply does not occur in the United States. And while Mexican officials
are frequently forced to choose between “plata o plomo” (Spanish for “silver or lead,” a direct threat
of violence meaning “take the bribe or we will kill you”), that type of threat is extremely rare in the United
States. It is also very rare to see politicians, police chiefs and judges killed in the United States — a common occurrence in Mexico.
said, there certainly has been cartel-related violence on the U.S. side of the border with organizations such as Los Zetas conducting assassinations in places like Houston and Dallas. The claim by some U.S. politicians that there
is no spillover violence is patently false. However, the use of violence on the U.S. side has tended to be far more discreet
on the part of the cartels (and the U.S. street gangs they are allied with) than in Mexico, where the cartels are frequently
quite flagrant. The cartels kill people in the United States but they tend to avoid the gruesome theatrics associated with
many drug-related murders in Mexico, where it has become commonplace to see victims beheaded, dismembered or hung from pedestrian
walkways over major thoroughfares.
the large firefights frequently observed in Mexico involving dozens of armed men on each side using military weapons, grenades
and rocket-propelled grenades have come within feet of the border (sometimes with stray rounds crossing over onto the U.S.
side), but these types of events have remained on the south side of that invisible line. Mexican cartel gunmen have used dozens
of trucks and other large vehicles to set up roadblocks in Matamoros, but they have not followed suit in Brownsville. Cities on the U.S. side of the border are
seen as markets, logistics hubs and places of refuge for cartel figures, not battlefields.
when we consider drug production, it is important to recognize that the first “super labs” for methamphetamine
production were developed in California’s Central Valley, not in Mexico. It was only pressure from U.S. law enforcement
agencies that forced the relocation of these laboratories south of the border. Certainly, meth production is still going on
in many parts of the United States, but the production is being conducted in mom-and-pop operations that can produce only
relatively small amounts of the drug, usually of varying quality. By contrast, Mexican super labs can produce tons of meth that is of very high (almost pharmacological) quality. Additionally, while Mexican
cartels (and other producers) have long grown marijuana inside the United States in clandestine plots of land, the quantity
of marijuana the cartels grow inside the United States is far eclipsed by the industrial marijuana production operations conducted
the size of narcotics shipments changes at the border. The huge shipments of drugs that are shipped within Mexico are broken
down into smaller lots at stash houses on the Mexican side of the border to be smuggled into the United States. Then they
are frequently broken down again in stash houses on the U.S. side of the border. The trafficking of drugs in the United States
tends to be far more decentralized and diffuse than it is on the Mexican side, again in response to U.S. law enforcement pressure.
Smaller shipments allow drug traffickers to limit their losses if a shipment is seized, and using a decentralized distribution
network allows them to be less dependent on any one link in the chain. If one distribution channel is rolled up by the authorities,
traffickers can shift their product into another sales channel.
Just an Institutional Problem
we noted that the same dynamics exist on both sides of the border, and the same cartel groups also operate on both sides.
However, we also noted the consistent theme of the Mexican cartels being forced to behave differently on the U.S. side. The
organizations are no different, but the environment in which they operate is very different. The corruption, poverty, diminished
rule of law and lack of territorial control (particularly in the border-adjacent hinterlands) that is endemic to the Mexican
system greatly empowers and emboldens the cartels in Mexico. The operating environment inside the United States is quite different,
forcing the cartels to behave differently. Mexican cartels and drug trafficking are problems in the United States, but they
are problems that can be controlled by U.S. law enforcement. The environment does not permit the cartels to threaten the U.S.
government’s ability to govern.
monograph explaining the forces that have shaped Mexico can be found here. Understanding the geopolitics of Mexico is very helpful to understanding the challenges Mexico faces
and why it has become what it is today. This broader understanding is also the key to understanding why the Mexican police
simply can’t be reformed to solve the problems of violence and corruption. Certainly, the Mexican government has aggressively
pursued police reform for many years now, with very little success. Indeed, it was the lack of a trustworthy law enforcement apparatus that led the Calderon government to turn to the military to counter the power of the Mexican cartels.
This lack of reliable law enforcement has also led Calderon to aggressively pursue police reform. This reform effort has included
unifying the federal police agencies and consolidating municipal police departments (which have arguably been the most corrupt
institutions in Mexico) into unified state police commands, under which officers are subjected to better screening, oversight
and accountability. Already, however, there have been numerous instances of these “new and improved” federal-
and state-level police officers being arrested for corruption.
illustrates the fact that Mexico’s ills go far deeper than just corrupt institutions. Because of this, revamping the
institutions will not result in any meaningful change, and the revamped institutions will soon be corrupted like the ones
they replaced. This fact should have been readily apparent; the institutional approach has been tried in the region before
and has failed.
the best example of this failure was the “untouchable and incorruptible” Department of Anti-Narcotics Operations,
known by its Spanish acronym DOAN, which was created in Guatemala in the mid-1990s. The DOAN was almost purely a creation
of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration and the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs. The concept behind the creation of the DOAN was that corruption existed within the Guatemalan police
institutions because the police were undertrained, underpaid and underequipped. It was believed that if police recruits were
carefully screened, properly trained, well paid and adequately equipped, they would not be susceptible to the corruption that
plagued the other police institutions in the country. So the U.S. government hand-picked the recruits, thoroughly trained
them, paid them generously and provided them with brand-new uniforms and equipment. However, the result was not what the U.S.
government expected. By 2002, the “untouchable” DOAN had to be disbanded because it had essentially become a drug
trafficking organization itself and was involved in torturing and killing competitors and stealing their shipments of narcotics.
example of the Guatemalan DOAN (and of more recent Mexican police reform efforts) demonstrates that even a competent, well-paid
and well-equipped police institution cannot stand alone within a culture that is not prepared to support it and keep it clean.
In other words, over time, an institution will take on the characteristics of, and essentially reflect, the environment surrounding
it. Therefore, significant reform in Mexico requires a holistic approach that reaches far beyond the institutions to address
the profound economic, sociological and cultural problems that are affecting the country today. Indeed, given how deeply rooted
and pervasive these problems are and the geopolitical hand the country was dealt, Mexico has done quite well. But holistic
change will not be easy to accomplish. It will require a great deal of time, treasure, leadership and effort. In view of this
reality, we can see why it would be more politically expedient simply to blame the Americans.
"Corruption: Why Texas is Not Mexico," by Scott Stewart, is republished with permission of STRATFOR